Raila Odinga, in full Raila Amolo Odinga, was born on January 7, 1945 in Maseno, Kenya.
He is a Kenyan businessman and politician who served as prime minister of Kenya (2008–13) after the contentious presidential election of December 2007.
Raila Odinga’s Early life and political activity
Raila Odinga is the son of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, the first vice president of independent Kenya.
After earning a master’s degree in mechanical engineering in East Germany in 1970, Raila Odinga returned to Kenya to become a lecturer at the University of Nairobi.
During his time at the university, Raila Odinga also engaged in engineering-related business ventures, including one that would later become East African Spectre, Ltd.
He left the university in 1974 and was soon employed by the Kenya Bureau of Standards, where he attained the position of deputy director in 1978.
In the 1970s and ’80s Raila Odinga was politically active and supported government reforms in Kenya. In 1982 he was accused of plotting against Pres. Daniel arap Moi and was imprisoned without trial for six years. After Raila Odinga’s release, he was twice arrested for campaigning against one-party rule, and in 1991 he sought refuge in Norway. He returned to Kenya in 1992, however, and was elected a member of the National Assembly that year under the banner of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy–Kenya (FORD–K), the party led by his father. After his father’s death in 1994, Odinga became embroiled in a leadership struggle within the party and in 1996 left FORD–K and joined the National Development Party (NDP).
Raila Odinga’s Political maneuvers
In 1997 Raila Odinga stood unsuccessfully as the NDP’s candidate for election as president of Kenya but was able to retain his seat in the National Assembly. He and the NDP thereafter gave their support to Moi and the ruling ruling party Kenya African National Union (KANU). Raila Odinga joined Moi’s cabinet as energy minister in 2001, and the NDP was absorbed into the ruling party the following year, with Raila Odinga becoming secretary-general of KANU.
Raila Odinga’s hope of succeeding Moi as KANU’s candidate for the presidency in the 2002 elections was shattered when Moi called upon the party to support Uhuru Kenyatta, son of former president Jomo Kenyatta. Several KANU members, including Raila Odinga, formed the Rainbow Alliance within the party in protest of the choice, and they instead advocated for a vote among KANU members to determine the party’s presidential candidate. Their pleas went unheeded, and KANU officially named Kenyatta as its candidate a few months later; in response, Raila Odinga and the Rainbow Alliance left KANU and formed the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP).
The LDP soon joined with a coalition of several parties, the National Alliance of Kenya (NAK), to form the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) under the leadership of former vice president Mwai Kibaki. Although terms of agreement between the LDP and NAK were not completely revealed to the public, the two parties reportedly promised to equitably share cabinet posts and power—including naming Raila Odinga to the new, strong prime minister post that would be created—if Kibaki were elected president. NARC’s efforts to challenge KANU were successful, and Kibaki was elected president in December 2002, the first non-KANU president in independent Kenya’s history. NARC candidates (including Odinga) won more than half of the seats in the National Assembly.
As one of the NARC leaders, Odinga had played a significant role in securing the election of Kibaki, campaigning relentlessly on his behalf after the presidential candidate was seriously injured in a car accident in the month leading up to the polls. After his election, Kibaki appointed Odinga as minister of roads, public works, and housing, but the LDP soon accused Kibaki of reneging on the preelection agreement between the LDP and NAK that promised to share cabinet posts and power more equitably between the two parties. Tensions between the two NARC factions further increased over several issues discussed at the country’s constitutional review conference in 2003, including the proposal to create a strong prime minister position, which Kibaki and his supporters now backtracked from. Eventually a draft constitution supported by Kibaki that provided for a weak prime minister and a strong president was presented to the public in a referendum vote in November 2005. It was not approved, however, as Odinga successfully led a campaign against it. Soon after, Kibaki dismissed his entire cabinet and reconstituted it the next month, without Odinga or many of the former cabinet members who supported Odinga.
2007 elections and aftermath
Problems between the LDP and NAK continued, leading to the collapse of the NARC coalition in 2006. Meanwhile, Odinga had already formed a new coalition, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). In the months prior to the 2007 presidential and legislative elections, Kibaki formed his own coalition, the Party of National Unity (PNU). During the campaign, Odinga sought to dispel the perceived grievances of some western Kenyan ethnic groups by denouncing corruption in high places and by campaigning for a fairer distribution of land and the devolvement of power to largely single-ethnic district councils.
The ODM won a resounding majority in the December 2007 legislative election. The provisional results of the presidential election indicated that Odinga would be victorious as well. However, when the final election results were released after a delay, Kibaki was declared the winner by a narrow margin. Odinga immediately disputed the outcome, and international observers questioned the validity of the final results. Widespread protests ensued throughout the country and degenerated into horrific acts of violence involving some of Kenya’s many ethnic groups, most notable of which were the Kikuyu and the Luo. More than 1,000 people were killed and more than 600,000 were displaced in the election’s violent aftermath.
In February 2008 former UN secretary-general Kofi Annan and Jakaya Kikwete, president of Tanzania and chairman of the African Union, brokered an agreement between Kibaki and Odinga for the PNU and the ODM to form a coalition government. This led to Odinga’s being sworn in on April 17, 2008, to the newly created post of prime minister under Kibaki’s presidency and with a power-sharing cabinet. Tensions within the new government soon appeared, however, and Odinga had only limited success with implementing his reform-oriented agenda. In 2009 Odinga complained that ODM cabinet ministers were not being included in decision-making discussions, and that led him to boycott cabinet meetings for a time. Another row erupted in early 2010 when Odinga’s decision to suspend two ministers over allegations of corruption was blocked by Kibaki. Later that year, however, Odinga campaigned with Kibaki in favour of a new constitution that counted among its many changes a devolution of power to the local level of government; it was approved via referendum and promulgated in August.
In the run-up to the 2013 elections, Odinga’s ODM formed the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) alliance with Kenyan Vice Pres. Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka’s Wiper Democratic Movement and other parties. Under the CORD banner, Odinga and Musyoka campaigned for the posts of president and vice president, respectively. Among the eight presidential candidates, Odinga and Kenyatta—this time representing the Jubilee Coalition—were front-runners going into the March 4 election, which transpired with relative calm. After a delay in the release of the final results, due to problems with the vote-tallying process, electoral officials announced that Odinga received 43.31 percent of the vote, placing second to Kenyatta, who was declared the winner with 50.07 percent of the vote—just enough to avoid a second round of voting. Odinga did not at first concede. Citing what he maintained were many irregularities with the election, he filed a challenge to the results with the Supreme Court but promised to respect the court’s decision. The court ultimately upheld the election results, and Odinga conceded.
Odinga remained politically active. In the prelude to the 2017 elections, Odinga’s ODM party and the other parties that were previously part of the CORD coalition allied with more parties to form the National Super Alliance (NASA). The new alliance backed Odinga for president and Musyoka for deputy president to stand in the upcoming elections. The run-up to the elections was tense and filled with heated rhetoric, particularly from NASA and Pres. Kenyatta’s Jubilee Party. NASA made repeated claims that the Jubilee-led government would try to rig the elections.
The elections were held on August 8, 2017, and were generally peaceful. Before the results were announced, however, Odinga and other NASA members alleged that electoral irregularities had taken place and that the server of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) had been hacked and called the election a charade. When the results were released a few days later, the IEBC announced that Kenyatta won the election with more than 54 percent of the vote and that Odinga trailed him with almost 45 percent.
Although most observers declared the elections to be free and fair, Odinga and NASA continued to allege that the results of the presidential election had been manipulated, and some civil society groups expressed concerns about the electoral process as well. On August 18, Odinga and NASA, despite having previously said that they would not take their dispute to the Supreme Court, did file a petition with that body. They requested that the presidential election be nullified on the basis that it was “fatally compromised” and asked that a new election be held. The Supreme Court’s decision, announced on September 1, agreed with Odinga and NASA that irregularities had marred the presidential election. Declaring that the election had not been conducted in a manner consistent with the terms dictated by the constitution, the court annulled the results and ordered a new election to be held within 60 days. The Supreme Court’s decision shocked many, but Odinga praised it, saying, “For the first time in the history of African democratisation, a ruling has been made by a court nullifying irregular elections of a president.”
A new election, originally scheduled for October 17 by the IEBC, was later slated for October 26 to allow the commission more time to prepare for it. The rescheduling came on the heels of the September 20 release of the Supreme Court’s detailed ruling on why it had annulled the results of the August 8 election. The ruling faulted the actions of the IEBC and cited many problems with the vote tallying and transmission process.
On September 12 NASA had issued a list of what it deemed to be “irreducible minimums”—problems from the last election that the IEBC would have to correct before NASA would participate in the new election. After various attempts at meeting with the IEBC to work through the issues, Odinga and NASA threatened to pull out of the new presidential election if changes were not made to correct the problems cited in the court’s ruling and their list. NASA also held regular demonstrations in front of the IEBC headquarters and other areas in an attempt to pressure the body to make the requested changes. The IEBC responded by noting that some changes had been made but others would not be, because of reasons such as binding contracts with various suppliers and the limited time frame it had to work within.
In the meantime, the Jubilee-dominated National Assembly fast-tracked two controversial election-related amendments that contained items such as allowing a candidate to automatically be declared the winner of a contested post if the other candidate withdrew from an election and limiting the court’s ability to void an election. NASA vehemently disagreed with the amendments and protested against them; the amendments, which became law in November, were also criticized by the international community.
On October 10, Odinga announced that he was withdrawing from the October 26 election rerun because he did not believe that the IEBC had done enough to address NASA’s concerns about the upcoming election. Based on a ruling made by the Supreme Court in 2013, NASA and Odinga believed that the IEBC would, after his withdrawal, now need to cancel the election and prepare for fresh elections within 90 days—thereby giving the commission more time to make the requested reforms that it so far had not. Kenyatta, however, declared that the October 26 election would still take place and, based on other legal consideration, the IEBC seemed to agree. A week later the election’s future was again called into question when one of the IEBC commissioners fled the country and resigned, stating that the commission was too politicized and would be unable to provide a credible election; she also noted that her life had been threatened because of her position on the commission. The IEBC head soon concurred with her assessment that a credible election could not be guaranteed.
A last-minute hearing at the Supreme Court to stop the election failed to take place because only two of the court’s seven judges came to work that day—short of the necessary quorum—and the election proceeded as planned. Kenyatta was declared the winner, having won about 98 percent of the vote, although his victory was marred by Odinga’s withdrawal from the race and the NASA-led boycott of the polls, which led to a low turnout rate of about 39 percent. Security issues also prevented polls from taking place in some NASA-dominated constituencies.
Odinga denounced the election as a sham and repeated his call for a fresh election to be held in 90 days. He also announced various plans for the future, including a campaign of economic boycotts and peaceful demonstrations to support his demand for a fresh election, as well as the creation of two bodies, a People’s Assembly and a think tank. The former was to include representatives from various civil, religious, and business sectors that would assemble to discuss the important issues facing Kenyans, and the latter would identify and try to reform some government-related problems. The resistance arm of NASA—the National Resistance Movement (NRM), which would lead the campaign of civil disobedience and economic boycotts—had been launched the day before the October 2017 election.
In late January 2018 NASA released what it said were the “real” results from the August 2017 polls, which showed that Odinga had won with some 8.1 million votes—enough to put him over the 50 percent threshold necessary to avoid a runoff election—while Kenyatta received about 7.8 million; the IEBC disputed NASA’s claims. On the basis of NASA’s version of the election results, Odinga was sworn in as the “people’s president” of Kenya on January 30, 2018, at a rally attended by thousands of NASA supporters. Later that day the government declared the NRM a criminal group, which left NRM members vulnerable to arrest. Some were arrested in the following days, such as Miguna Miguna, who called himself the general of the NRM; he was later charged with having committed treason-related offenses for having taken part in Odinga’s self-styled inaugural ceremony.
More striking than Odinga controversially holding his own inauguration was the Kenyan government’s heavy-handed attempts at preventing media coverage of the event. Prior to the day of Odinga’s symbolic inauguration, the government warned media outlets not to broadcast it; this warning, however, was largely ignored. On the morning of January 30, independent radio and television stations planning to cover Odinga’s swearing-in were forced off the air by authorities, although some media outlets were able to stream the event over the Internet. The shutdown continued as the government launched investigations into why the media outlets had disregarded the earlier order not to cover the event; the stations were to remain off the air until the government had concluded its investigations. On February 1 the High Court ruled that the stations were to be reopened until the case was heard later that month, but, in the days that followed, the Kenyan government ignored the ruling, and the stations remained shut down. Two stations resumed broadcasting on February 5.